The Guatemala study, designed as a quasi-experiment, included households in 26 communities that were carefully selected to reflect differences in the severity of earthquake impacts, size, population composition, and region of the country. These concerns loom even larger in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina. Following the 1976 Tangshan earthquake, about 200,000 to 300,000 entrapped people crawled out of the debris on their own and went on to rescue others….

Do their symptoms correspond to survey based or clinically based measures of what constitutes a “case” for psychiatric diagnostic purposes? People typically “normalize” unusual situations and persist in their everyday activities even when urged to act differently. NC Disaster Response Volunteer Activities On behalf of Governor Roy Cooper, the NC Commission on Volunteerism and Community Service and the NC Emergency Management Human Services Branch Manager would greatly appreciate your help in documenting your organization’s volunteer activities in the NC response to disasters across the state. Lack of financial resources may leave less-well-off segments of the population less able to afford to take time off from work when disasters threaten, to travel long distances to avoid danger, or to pay for emergency lodging. The quick-response tradition in disaster research, which has been a part of the field since its inception, developed out of a recognition that data on disaster response activities are perishable and that information collected from organizations after the passage of time is likely to be distorted and incomplete (Quarantelli, 1987, 2002).

However, current information collection practices are strongly “pull oriented.” These and other trends in communications technology introduce additional complexity into already complex processes associated with issuing and receiving warnings, decision making under uncertainty, and crisis-related collective behavior. For this reason, experts on human-induced threats such as bioterrorism stress the value of public engagement and involvement in planning for homeland security emergencies (Working Group on “Governance Dilemmas” in Bioterrorism Response, 2004). For example, Dow and Cutter (1998) studied South Carolina residents who had been warned of impending hurricanes that ultimately struck North Carolina. Studies also suggest that it is advisable to clarify for the public why forecasts and warnings were uncertain or incorrect.

This research has shed light on factors that contribute to the resilience of regional economies, both during normal times and in response to sudden shocks. Changes in the mass media, including the rise of the 24-hour news cycle and the trend toward “narrowcasting” and now “podcasting” for increasingly specialized audiences, also have implications for the ways in which the public learns about hazards and receives warning-related. Members of the public must receive, understand, and personalize warning information; must understand what actions they need to take in order to protect themselves; and must be able to carry out those actions, again regardless of the peril in question.

Please document any details about multiple activities or locations for those volunteers.

As noted in Chapters 2 and 3, vulnerability is a consequence not only of physical location and the “hazardousness of place,” but also of social location and of societal processes that advantage some groups and individuals while marginalizing others. While the connections are obviously clearer in crisis caused by willful attacks, it is now widely recognized that human agency is involved in disastrous events of all types—including not only terrorist events but also technological and natural disasters. Yet the research record suggests that those opportunities are often missed.

National-level NVOAD affiliates include organizations such as the Salvation Army, Church World Service, Church of the Brethren Disaster Response, and dozens of others that provide disaster services. In the U.S., in situations in which there is an insufficient supply of housing for displaced disaster victims, FEMA provides mobile homes, but even this expedient method of expanding the housing stock takes time. Through work undertaken as part of the Second Assessment, data on losses from natural hazard events from the mid-1970s to 2000 are now available at the county level in geocoded form for the entire United States through the Spatial Hazard Events and Losses Database for the United States (SHELDUS).
These changes would have taken place eventually, but they were accelerated by Hurricane Andrew.

What is still lacking is a national program to continue systematically collecting and analyzing impact and loss data. Disaster severity matters, both because disasters that produce major and widespread impacts can limit recovery options for households and because they tend to be more damaging to the social fabric of the community. Like the other aspects of recovery discussed here, what happens to households during and after disasters can be conceptualized in terms of vulnerability and resilience. With respect to housing, for example, owing to differences in the availability of services and financing as well as other factors, some groups within a disaster-stricken population may remain in “temporary housing” for a very long time—so long, in fact, that those housing arrangements become permanent—while others may move rapidly into replacement housing (Bolin, 1993a).

Recovery processes are significantly influenced by differential societal and group vulnerability; by variations in the range of recovery aid and support that is available; and by the quality and effectiveness of the help that is provided.

To date, Department of Homeland Security initiatives have focused almost exclusively on providing equipment and training for uniformed responders, as opposed to community residents.

Recent research also suggests that family evacuation patterns are undergoing change. Extended family members may not be able to help if they also are victims (Morrow, 1997).

This work highlighted the effects of both government decision making and broader societal policies on community recovery. For example, NEHRP-sponsored research indicates that in the three weeks following the 1985 earthquake in Mexico City, an estimated 1.7 to 2.1 million residents of that city were involved in providing volunteer aid.

Although disaster impacts can be positive or negative, research generally tends to focus on various negative impacts occurring at different levels of analysis. The literature also points to a number of factors that are associated with differences in short- and longer-term household recovery outcomes. These research findings have significant policy implications.

The potential for ambiguity and confusion with respect to public communications may also be greater for homeland security threats and public health hazards such as avian flu than for other hazards. Failures on this scale almost never occur during disasters. Please attach any available situation reports containing relevant volunteer activity.
The paragraphs above highlight the need for new research on homeland security threats and institutional responses to those threats.

Perspectives begin to diverge, however, on the extent to which these and other disaster-induced symptoms constitute mental health problems in the clinical sense. The third phase, the reconstruction replacement period, involves rebuilding capital stocks and getting the economy back to pre-disaster levels. However, vast proportions of these data have yet to be fully analyzed. With respect to differential exposure, factors such as ethnicity and social class can be associated with living in substandard and vulnerable housing, subsequently exposing minorities and poor people to greater losses and disaster-related trauma. Switch between the Original Pages, where you can read the report as it appeared in print, and Text Pages for the web version, where you can highlight and search the text. Based on feedback from you, our users, we've made some improvements that make it easier than ever to read thousands of publications on our website. (1978) and Friesema et al. This approach again contrasts with command-and-control notions of how major crises are managed (Comfort, 1999:263-264): A socio-technical approach requires a shift in the conception of response systems as reactive, command-and-control driven systems to one of inquiring systems, activated by processes of inquiry, validation, and creative self-organization….

The phases are research, writing, dissemination, testing, and updating. Accordingly, effective responses depend on the ability of organizations to simultaneously sustain structure and allow for flexibility in the face of rapidly changing disaster conditions and unexpected demands.

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