Ross comments on Arafat's historic creativity with diplomatic understatement: "When you question the core of the other side's faith, that is not exactly an indication that you are getting ready to try and end the conflict."9. Malley was Special Assistant to the President for Arab-Israeli Affairs and Director for Near East and South Asian Affairs on the National Security Council staff from September 1998 to January 2001. There were several peace plans following the 1967 war, including one by Yigal Allon, an Israeli general who proposed that Israel give back to Jordan the highlands of the West Bank while retaining a defensive line along the Jordan valley. The Camp David Accords and resulting peace treaty were a true foreign policy success for all involved. Aug. 9, 2001, at http://www.nybooks.com/articles/ 14380. There was an exchange of letters in which Yasser Arafat stated: "The PLO recognises the right of the State of Israel to exist in peace and security." Camp David Accords, agreements between Israel and Egypt signed on September 17, 1978, that led in 1979 to a peace treaty between the two countries, the first such treaty between Israel and any of its Arab neighbors. Above: Scuttled ships blocking the entrance to the Suez canal at Port Said during the Six-Day War between Israel and Egypt in 1967.

Decades of Palestinian terrorism had led many Israelis to fear that relinquishing control over the West Bank and Gaza Strip would leave Israel exposed to hostile Palestinian movements who would use the territories as springboards from which to launch terrorist acts well within Israel.

Even in Israel, the Malley-Agha article was translated and published in a Friday Yediot Ahronot, Israel's largest circulation daily. Alas, an examination of statements of players more central to the process than Malley and Agha calls this hypothesis into serious question. An overview of the Jewish state and its many accomplishments and challenges.

But following the experience of Camp David, it is obvious that this static model is too simplistic, and that there is no such fixed point. The entire World Bank vision for a modern, Western-style Palestinian economy, built around competitive markets, transparent and accountable public bodies, and solid financial and legal institutions, went against the grain of the methods Arafat had used to run the PLO for decades. They hope that the Bush administration will adopt a process that has demonstrably failed, promising, without proof, that if the parties just try again, they will succeed. Taufiq Rahim, executive director of the consultancy Globesight, said the accords have had a profound effect on the region while ushering in the paradigm of a peace process with the Palestinians that has been ongoing ever since. Powell likewise urged that "we try to capture the spirit of Madrid." Then, after a good deal of hard negotiating, a second Israeli redeployment occurred outside of the larger Palestinian cities and towns in the West Bank.

There followed a new mood for peace, at least between Israel and Egypt, as was shown by a historic visit to Jerusalem by the Egyptian President Anwar Sadat in November 1977. Camp David Accords and the Arab-Israeli Peace Process. The conference eventually led to a peace treaty between Israel and Jordan in 1994, but this probably would have happened anyway. The Malley-Agha account of the dynamic of Israeli flexibility actually may be the most enlightening part of their article: On the eve of Camp David, Israeli negotiators described their purported red-lines to their American counterparts: the annexation of more than 10 percent of the West Bank, sovereignty over parts of the strip along the Jordan River, and rejection of any territorial swaps. But that spirit was not created by the palatial setting of the conference, or by Spanish hospitality, or even by diplomatic agility.

“It is highly doubtful that there can be another Camp David-like agreement,” Katz said. It requires having a larger regional perspective that ties Israeli-Palestinian peacemaking to developments in the wider Middle East. For information contact cevans@nvcc.edu

Their answer: it was a matter of bad timing and missed signals -- or what Malley and Agha allude to in the title of their article, "A Tragedy of Errors.". “Although such a diplomatic breakthrough may not resolve all the underlying issues and tensions between nations, it can be the first step to normalizing relationships and preventing devastating wars.” Earlier, he had claimed that if Arafat asked for 95 percent of the West Bank, there would be no deal. The PLO leader Yasser Arafat and the Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin shook hands. They begin with what may seem to some a shocking admission: that the Palestinian side came to Camp David, seven years after the famous Rabin-Arafat handshake on the White House lawn, "more resigned to the two-state solution than they were willing to embrace it; they were prepared to accept Israel's existence, but not its moral legitimacy. This was the first recognition of Israel as a state by a major Arab country. It reverses the concept of the Road Map, in which the growth of security and confidence precede a political agreement and puts the agreement first, which is then designed to produce security and peace. These unbridgeable gaps at Camp David continued in the Taba In the revisionist view, the tragic aspect of the process is captured in a series of "if onlys" -- if only the Stockholm track had continued, if only Clinton had unveiled his parameters in September instead of the end of December, and if only Barak had not lost the election and the Taba talks had been resumed. I simply don't understand it....[N]either [Barak nor I were] professional peace industrialists. Why Camp David II Failed: a Negotiation Theory Perspective. 'You are a great man,' Arafat said. The agreement enabled the US to win Egypt over in its Cold War competition with the Soviet Union. The last "if only" that Malley, Agha, and Sontag postulate is what might have happened if the Taba talks had continued. It proposed Islamic guardianship of key sites in the Old City of Jerusalem and contributions to a fund for Palestinian refugees. Clinton constructed his proposal in such a way that if the Palestinians' answer was positive, they would be able to present the solution to their public as a solution of 100 percent. The talks were built on the premise that negotiating peace would tame radicalism. Oslo was from the start meant to be an interim agreement as a prelude to the expected difficult negotiations toward a final agreement. The basic problem was that the maximum Israel offered was less … If anything, Malley and Agha seem to be charging Barak with being too flexible, making it impossible for the Palestinian side to determine when his real red line had been reached. But Ben Ami and Ross argue that the Palestinians actually went beyond intransigence, by introducing new obstacles to an agreement. So, all they added to the pledge of 2 percent that they gave at the outset to Clinton was 0.34 percent? Yitzhak Rabin, Israel’s prime minister when the agreements were signed (who was assassinated in 1995 by a right-wing Jewish Israeli), put it rather inelegantly when he stated that the Palestinian Authority would fight terrorism more effectively than Israelis ever could because it would operate without constraints imposed by “human rights groups and the Israeli Supreme Court.” In that statement, he was expressing the hope many Israelis pinned behind the agreement for an anti-terrorism alliance between Israel and the Palestinian Authority.

Negotiations are extremely complicated animals, particularly when they are influenced by external events, politics, and individual personalities. The Palestinians were also represented, but as part of a joint delegation with Jordan and not by Yasser Arafat or other leading figures in the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO), to whom the Israelis objected. As early as July 1999, during their first meeting, Barak had outlined to Clinton his vision of a comprehensive peace. For the Palestinians this was seen as an ultimate Israeli betrayal indicating that Israel never intended to come to a peace agreement. Camp David Accords - President Jimmy Carter Video The article on the Camp David Accords provides detailed facts and a summary of one of the important events during his presidential term in office. The first was called A Framework for Peace in the Middle East. The two framework agreements were signed at the White House and were witnessed by President Jimmy Carter. Gilead Sher, who served as Israel’s chief peace negotiator behind the Camp David Accords in the 1970s and was a key player in the Oslo Accords … Arafat regarded an independent and authoritative organization such as PECDAR as a potential threat to his power.

“The treaty included a section on the Palestinian issue, which was never tackled. My Jewish Learning is a not-for-profit and relies on your help. A “free passage” route connecting the West Bank and Gaza Strip running through Israeli territory was never realized, but Israeli military roadblocks were established on the roads between Palestinian cities. In U.S.A.: Center for Jewish Community Studies, 1515 Ross reveals that the month before the summit, which he spent attempting to prepare the parties, was actually a period in which the Palestinian negotiators "hardened their positions" and Arafat revealed nothing to him. The talks took place in July between Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak and PLO Chairman Yasser Arafat.

Through these accounts, it is possible to evaluate the supposed tactical errors and missed signals one by one. They try to demonstrate that even so, the Palestinians showed flexibility by considering creative variations on this theme, such as land swaps that would allow Israel to keep some land over the pre-1967 lines. document.write("Last Modified " + document.lastModified) It was only an obelisk." are alternative sites:  gopher, His recruiter, a smuggler called Ahmed Halas, told him he and other fishermen would be based in the Somali coastal city of Berbera, from where they would transport weapons and fuel to the Houthis.

By contrast, the Oslo Accords … Barak's single-minded focus on the big picture only magnified in his eyes the significance -- and cost -- of the small steps.

Ibid.

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